After 3 years, precisely in 2018, the United States reviewed Indonesias eligibility in receiving US-General System of Preference (US-GSP) facilities. Interestingly, the results of the review have not yet been published. This happens for the United States assumes that Indonesia implements various trade and investment barriers that have a negative impact on the United States, one of which is due to the policy of limiting imports of horticultural products, the implementation of Gerbang Pembayaran Nasional (GPN) and so on. Then with the current conditions, how about the eligibility of Indonesia if it want to receive GSP facilities. This article argues that Indonesia continues to fulfil the required points as a beneficiary country. Indonesia can also use these points as a source of bargaining power to influence the United States so that the results of the GSP review state that Indonesia is eligible to receive GSP facilities, as well as refuse previous US assumptions. This article uses qualitative research methods with a case study approach with primary (interview) and secondary (literature) data collection techniques. This article concludes that Indonesia is still eligible to receive the GSP facility because Indonesia is trying to fulfil the required points as a source of Indonesias bargaining power towards the United States.

The European Union is an example of regional cooperations that represents regional identity. In the midst of the process of integration and expansion of membership, the European Union has an interest in building good relations with non-member countries in the immediate region, including the Mediterranean. The process of establishing cooperation between the European Union and the Mediterranean countries continues to change. The Euro-Mediterranean Partnership (EMP) in 1995 was the place for regional cooperation with most member countries and had a well-structured pillar of cooperation. However, the two entities re-formed a new cooperative platform, The Union for Mediterranean (UfM) in 2008. This study aims to explain why the European Union and Mediterranean countries changed the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership (EMP) into The Union for the Mediterranean (UfM) in 2008. Using the theory building approach in the Alex Warleigh-Lack regionalism concept, the findings in the research resulted in an answer that EMP has negative values that are not in accordance with the development of the issue so that it becomes a reason for the formation of UfM.

This paper discusses the image of Indonesia in the eyes of China on the South China Sea (SCS) dispute. China circulated the map of Nine-dotted lines in 1993 and since then China has behaved ambiguously towards Indonesia as the dotted lines encompasses some part of Indonesia’s North Natuna waters. China insists two countries have overlapping interests over some of Indonesia’s Natuna Exclusive Economic Zone which China claims as it traditional fishing ground. China, however recognizes Indonesia’s sovereignty over the Natuna Islands and has been cautious when dealing with Indonesia on the Natuna issue. This behavior continues until the last three incidents occurred in Natuna waters in 2016. Although there are many studies on the South China Sea dispute and China’s policy towards Indonesia, few if any of them discuss specifically on China’s perspective towards Indonesia. Adopting image theory as an analytical framework, this paper figures Indonesia’s image on the eyes of China, which then shaped China’s perception toward Indonesia on SCS dispute. The main argument in this paper is China captures Indonesia’s image as an ally image. In this image, Indonesia is seen as an actor who can work together, has similar capabilities and cultural dimensions with China.

Agent Orange is a toxic chemical liquid used by the United States military during the Vietnam War in 1955-1975. The use of chemical weapons is classified as a form of crime due to violations of international agreements. This research tries to explain how Agent Orange has become a significant factor in the dynamics of relations between the US and Vietnam. The dynamics will be analyzed using the concept by Immanuel Kant. There are 6 articles that must be done to achieve lasting peace, but this article only discusses articles 1, 5, and 6 which are the basis for the establishment of perpetual peace. Article 1 Perpetual Peace requires a peace agreement that is made as detailed as possible, evidenced by the articles in the 1973 Paris Peace Accord which did not prevent war in the short term, but succeeded in forming a long-term peace scheme. Article 5 Perpetual Peace is also implemented without the intervention of US in Vietnam domestic politics, which until now holds communist ideology. Finally, the US corrective action through the cleaning of the Agent Orange is an embodiment of article 6 of Perpetual Peace. Changes in relations carried out through various collaborations have resulted in a process leading to lasting peace, at least for the US and Vietnam.

This paper describes the military conflict escalation between India and Pakistan in the period after 1999 Lahore Declaration. After several major wars, military conflicts between the two countries continued to this day. Previous studies on the India-Pakistan conflict only discussed the causes of this conflict and efforts to resolve conflicts. The studies are divided into three major perspectives, namely; security, domestic politics, and political economy, but none has explained how this military conflict is relatively lasting. Using security dilemma as an analytical framework, this paper will explain the variables of the security dilemma that have contributed to the escalating tensions between India and Pakistan. The security dilemma creates a circumstance where offensive action preferable by both states rather than defensive efforts. The main argument of this paper is that India and Pakistan see each others behavior -such as the development of military defense capability, nuclear weaponry development, and alliance trends- as threats so that they are always remains in the security dilemma situation.

The idea of digital sovereignty in the last twenty years increasingly reifies into chiefly policy making debates as the reaction of China’s determined activism on internet governance, Snowden’s case, and increasingly big internet corporations’ unchecked endeavors. International actors’ growing concerns on security, economy, data protection, and socio-political issues invoke new discourses on digital sovereignty since it bears global political consequences by nature. This stimulates recent intellectual debate in academic literature on how digital sovereignty affects (or be affected by) international politics. This article critically examines the development of digital sovereignty literatures. This article classifies literature taxonomically on four major themes: the conceptual development of digital sovereignty; actors in digital sovereignty; digital sovereignty and global internet governance; and categorical issues on digital sovereignty. This article argues that the development of literature on digital sovereignty is still largely dominated by state-centered and security-politics narrative. This article calls for global digital hierarchy and necessitates actor transformation approach in order to spur future exploration on digital sovereignty. Instead of drawing close-ended conclusion of the ongoing debate of digital sovereignty, this article positions itself as an intermediary text to drive more questions and call for broader potential development of the topic’s research agenda.